Showing posts with label PTM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label PTM. Show all posts

The Discourse of Pashtun Nationalism

The Discourse of Pashtun Nationalism




Federation is always deemed as a viable project of statecraft especially in countries with a diverse population  divided along ethnic and linguistic lines. The underlying rationale of a federal organization of state is primarily meant to ensure maximum participation of all the ethnic groups in the state business especially in terms of decision making and resource allocation. In Pakistan, however, the case has been the opposite. Since its very inception, no serious heed was paid to the realization of the true spirit of federation till the 18 constitutional amendments. The centrist forces had been in the front line to wield power and make key decisions unilaterally, the situation resulted into grievances on part of the small ethnic groups culminating into dissension in various manifestations. Among the voices of dissensions in the federation, the Pashtun nationalist discourse has been of considerable importance.

The ANP and PKMAP have been the major political forces with the Pashtun nationalist narrative, the former being a relatively larger entity with a rich ideological base in the form of Ghaffar Khan’s Khudai Khidmatgar Movement. The Khudai Khidmatgar was a multilayered movement taking into account the social reformation, religious purity, political awareness and dissemination of untainted education in the Pashtun belt. The ANP, through electoral politics, however, focused on the political problems with a special reference to the resources allocation and provincial autonomy, leaving aside the other major objectives of the Movement, yet considering itself its descendant. The landmark 18th constitutional amendment, a much desired package by ANP,  reflects an unprecedented stride in ensuring provincial autonomy in the federation.

However, resting on its laurels, and staying too focused on the electoral politics with a the lens of political loss and benefit, the party could not tuned up to the changing pattern of exigencies especially with reference to the war on terror in the Pashtun territories. The long drawn out war badly affected the locals, resulting into serious misgivings and grievances against the authorities.  No serious political effort was made to redress their grievances and voice their genuine concerns. The conventional narrative of Pashtun nationalism and politics could no more repose the hope and aspirations of the people. The state of frustration finally broke into the birth of PTM with a stronger narrative revolving around the existential question of Pashtuns.

Given the aims and objectives of PTM, a critical analysis reveals it to be a more relevant and apt ideological heir-apparent of the  Khudai Khidmatgar Movement. The very demands of PTM coupled with its modus operandi, reaching out to common people, educating them politically, and creating awareness about their rights and stakes in the business of state,  are indeed reminiscent of Bacha Khan’s struggle in 1920s and 1930s.

The Pashtun intelligentsia and the students which had been an invaluable asset to the ANP, has turned out to be a strong support base of PTM now. The emergence of new leadership with a strong and appealing narrative has overshadowed the conventional mode of Pashtun politics.


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PTM, a quest for law

PTM, a quest for law





Amend the law; adapt it to the needs of the day, or repeal it altogether have been some of the objectives of the social and political movements surfaced throughout the history. However, it indeed sounds strange to know about a social movement which demands a government to implement its law. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) in Pakistan is one such example, which sets an unprecedented example. The movement, led by Pashtuns educated youth, emerged in reaction to the states’ policy of oppression and inhumane treatment of tribal people for the last few decades especially in the venture of the war on terror. The demands of the movement, total five in number, have clearly been enunciated in the constitution of Pakistan 1973. However, it is pertinent to briefly evaluate the demands in light of the constitution and determine its legitimacy.

The first demand is SSP Rao Anwar’s apprehension and holding him accountable  in accordance with dictates of the laws for his act of Naqeebullah’s extra judicial murder. Every citizen has a right to life and liberty, and no one in the state can arbitrarily deprive one of such rights. Naqeeb’s murder is indeed an act done ultra vires of the law. Article 09 of the constitution of reads, “No person shall be deprived of life and liberty saves in accordance with the law”. The  murder is a flagrant violation of the constitution and Anwar’s accountability its essence.

The second demand is the formations of a judicial committee under the supervision of the apex court for inquiry into the cases of extra judicial killings. Article 10A of the constitution says, “For the determination of his civil rights and obligations or in any criminal charge against him a person shall be entitled to fair trial and due process”. The notorious act of extra judicial killing under the pretext of encounter has been a blatant violation of the law. The process neither establishes one’s crime nor affords an opportunity of self defense through fair litigation. Taking one’s life arbitrarily and negating him the right to fair trial is a heinous crime against humanity. The act open challenges the writ of the state and individual’s right to life.  

The third demand includes producing all the missing persons in a court of law. It’s a legal opportunity for the state to determine the person’s crime and accord punishment accordingly, and for the person to defend himself through law. The constitution in its Article 10 (1) provides for the same, it reads: “No person who is arrested shall be detained in custody without being informed, as soon as may be, of the grounds for such arrest, nor shall he be denied the right to consult and be defended by a legal practitioner of his choice.” According to the PTM sources close to 30000 persons have been missing. No information about their whereabouts, the nature of crime they have committed, and the condition of the person are shared with the families.  The constitution does not confers such powers on any institution,  and such detention is in contravention of Article 10 (2), which says, “Every person who is arrested and detained in custody shall be produced before a magistrate within a period of twenty-four hours of such arrest,……. and no such person shall be detained in custody beyond the said period without the authority of a magistrate”.

The fourth demand states that all the land mines and IEDs should be removed from the areas which have already been declared safe by the security forces. The people of those areas were made to leave their houses and lead the life of IDPs so that the military operation against the militants may smoothly be carried out. When the operation is officially over and people have been returned to their hometowns, their life is not secure due the installation of land mines in their surroundings. According to the PTM sources so far 72 persons have been the victims the such land mines in their areas. It reflects visible shortcomings and lapses in the strategy of the security apparatus and amounts to negation of the right to life and limb which the constitution guarantees to citizens under Article 09.

The fitfth and last demand states that the practice of indiscriminate humiliation and torture, violation of privacy, torture in public and the imposition of prolonged curfew after any untoward incident in FATA should be halted. The locals undergo the aforementioned treatment after any such incidents. The practices hurt their self-esteem and are violation of their privacy. The actions violate article 14 of the constitution, (1) “The dignity of man and, subject to law, the privacy of home, shall be inviolable. (2) No person shall be subjected to torture for the purpose of extracting evidence.” The prolonged session of curfews, which has become a routine in the areas, restricts people’s movement and disrupts the social and economic life in the areas. Article 15 states, “Every citizen shall have the right to remain in, and, subject to any reasonable restriction imposed by law in the public interest, enter and move freely throughout Pakistan and to reside and settle in any part thereof”.

The peaceful uprising of the Pushtons, especially the educated youth, should be a clarion call for the state to acknowledge their constitutional and genuine demands. Vague promises and dodging tactics will not do, as the movement is gathering momentum and gaining more strength with passage time. There is not any such thing in the demands which shows state’s inability to act. The state must realize the fact that the movement now can neither be overlooked nor stifled. The more it is ignored and suppressed, the louder the screams will be.


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